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A
Declaration
by the
Representatives of the United Colonies of North-America,
Now Met in Congress at Philadelphia,
Setting Forth the Causes and Necessity of Their Taking Up Arms.
If it
was possible for men, who exercise their reason to believe, that the divine
Author of our existence intended a part of the human race to hold an absolute
property in, and an unbounded power over others, marked out by his infinite
goodness and wisdom, as the objects of a legal domination never rightfully
resistible, however severe and oppressive, the inhabitants of these colonies
might at least require from the parliament of Great-Britain some evidence,
that this dreadful authority over them, has been granted to that body.
But a reverance for our Creator, principles of humanity, and the dictates
of common sense, must convince all those who reflect upon the subject, that
government was instituted to promote the welfare of mankind, and ought to
be administered for the attainment of that end. The legislature of Great-Britain,
however, stimulated by an inordinate passion for a power not only unjustifiable,
but which they know to be peculiarly reprobated by the very constitution
of that kingdom, and desparate of success in any mode of contest, where
regard should be had to truth, law, or right, have at length, deserting
those, attempted to effect their cruel and impolitic purpose of enslaving
these colonies by violence, and have thereby rendered it necessary for us
to close with their last appeal from reason to arms. - Yet, however blinded
that assembly may be, by their intemperate rage for unlimited domination,
so to sight justice and the opinion of mankind, we esteem ourselves bound
by obligations of respect to the rest of the world, to make known the justice
of our cause.
Our forefathers, inhabitants of the island of Great-Britain, left their
native land, to seek on these shores a residence for civil and religious
freedom. At the expense of their blood, at the hazard of their fortunes,
without the least charge to the country from which they removed, by unceasing
labour, and an unconquerable spirit, they effected settlements in the distant
and unhospitable wilds of America, then filled with numerous and warlike
barbarians. -- Societies or governments, vested with perfect legislatures,
were formed under charters from the crown, and an harmonious intercourse
was established between the colonies and the kingdom from which they derived
their origin. The mutual benefits of this union became in a short time so
extraordinary, as to excite astonishment. It is universally confessed, that
the amazing increase of the wealth, strength, and navigation of the realm,
arose from this source; and the minister, who so wisely and successfully
directed the measures of Great-Britain in the late war, publicly declared,
that these colonies enabled her to triumph over her enemies. --Towards the
conclusion of that war, it pleased our sovereign to make a change in his
counsels. -- From that fatal movement, the affairs of the British empire
began to fall into confusion, and gradually sliding from the summit of glorious
prosperity, to which they had been advanced by the virtues and abilities
of one man, are at length distracted by the convulsions, that now shake
it to its deepest foundations. -- The new ministry finding the brave foes
of Britain, though frequently defeated, yet still contending, took up the
unfortunate idea of granting them a hasty peace, and then subduing her faithful
friends.
These devoted colonies were judged to be in such a state, as to present
victories without bloodshed, and all the easy emoluments of statuteable
plunder. -- The uninterrupted tenor of their peaceable and respectful behaviour
from the beginning of colonization, their dutiful, zealous, and useful services
during the war, though so recently and amply acknowledged in the most honourable
manner by his majesty, by the late king, and by parliament, could not save
them from the meditated innovations. -- Parliament was influenced to adopt
the pernicious project, and assuming a new power over them, have in the
course of eleven years, given such decisive specimens of the spirit and
consequences attending this power, as to leave no doubt concerning the effects
of acquiescence under it. They have undertaken to give and grant our money
without our consent, though we have ever exercised an exclusive right to
dispose of our own property; statutes have been passed for extending the
jurisdiction of courts of admiralty and vice-admiralty beyond their ancient
limits; for depriving us of the accustomed and inestimable privilege of
trial by jury, in cases affecting both life and property; for suspending
the legislature of one of the colonies; for interdicting all commerce to
the capital of another; and for altering fundamentally the form of government
established by charter, and secured by acts of its own legislature solemnly
confirmed by the crown; for exempting the "murderers" of colonists from
legal trial, and in effect, from punishment; for erecting in a neighbouring
province, acquired by the joint arms of Great-Britain and America, a despotism
dangerous to our very existence; and for quartering soldiers upon the colonists
in time of profound peace. It has also been resolved in parliament, that
colonists charged with committing certain offences, shall be transported
to England to be tried.
But why should we enumerate our injuries in detail? By one statute it is
declared, that parliament can "of right make laws to bind us in all cases
whatsoever." What is to defend us against so enormous, so unlimited a power?
Not a single man of those who assume it, is chosen by us; or is subject
to our control or influence; but, on the contrary, they are all of them
exempt from the operation of such laws, and an American revenue, if not
diverted from the ostensible purposes for which it is raised, would actually
lighten their own burdens in proportion, as they increase ours. We saw the
misery to which such despotism would reduce us. We for ten years incessantly
and ineffectually besieged the throne as supplicants; we reasoned, we remonstrated
with parliament, in the most mild and decent language.
Administration sensible that we should regard these oppressive measures
as freemen ought to do, sent over fleets and armies to enforce them. The
indignation of the Americans was roused, it is true; but it was the indignation
of a virtuous, loyal, and affectionate people. A Congress of delegates from
the United Colonies was assembled at Philadelphia, on the fifth day of last
September. We resolved again to offer an humble and dutiful petition to
the King, and also addressed our fellow-subjects of Great-Britain. We have
pursued every temperate, every respectful measure; we have even proceeded
to break off our commercial intercourse with our fellow-subjects, as the
last peaceable admonition, that our attachment to no nation upon earth should
supplant our attachment to liberty. -- This, we flattered ourselves, was
the ultimate step of the controversy: but subsequent events have shewn,
how vain was this hope of finding moderation in our enemies.
Several threatening expressions against the colonies were inserted in his
majesty's speech; our petition, tho' we were told it was a decent one, and
that his majesty had been pleased to receive it graciously, and to promise
laying it before his parliament, was huddled into both houses among a bundle
of American papers, and there neglected. The lords and commons in their
address, in the month of February, said, that "a rebellion at that time
actually existed within the province of Massachusetts-Bay; and that those
concerned with it, had been countenanced and encouraged by unlawful combinations
and engagements, entered into by his majesty's subjects in several of the
other colonies; and therefore they besought his majesty, that he would take
the most effectual measures to inforce due obediance to the laws and authority
of the supreme legislature." -- Soon after, the commercial intercourse of
whole colonies, with foreign countries, and with each other, was cut off
by an act of parliament; by another several of them were intirely prohibited
from the fisheries in the seas near their coasts, on which they always depended
for their sustenance; and large reinforcements of ships and troops were
immediately sent over to general Gage.
Fruitless were all the entreaties, arguments, and eloquence of an illustrious
band of the most distinguished peers, and commoners, who nobly and strenuously
asserted the justice of our cause, to stay, or even to mitigate the heedless
fury with which these accumulated and unexampled outrages were hurried on.
-- equally fruitless was the interference of the city of London, of Bristol,
and many other respectable towns in our favor. Parliament adopted an insidious
manoeuvre calculated to divide us, to establish a perpetual auction of taxations
where colony should bid against colony, all of them uninformed what ransom
would redeem their lives; and thus to extort from us, at the point of the
bayonet, the unknown sums that should be sufficient to gratify, if possible
to gratify, ministerial rapacity, with the miserable indulgence left to
us of raising, in our own mode, the prescribed tribute. What terms more
rigid and humiliating could have been dictated by remorseless victors to
conquered enemies? In our circumstances to accept them, would be to deserve
them.
Soon after the intelligence of these proceedings arrived on this continent,
general Gage, who in the course of the last year had taken possession of
the town of Boston, in the province of Massachusetts-Bay, and still occupied
it a garrison, on the 19th day of April, sent out from that place a large
detachment of his army, who made an unprovoked assault on the inhabitants
of the said province, at the town of Lexington, as appears by the affidavits
of a great number of persons, some of whom were officers and soldiers of
that detachment, murdered eight of the inhabitants, and wounded many others.
From thence the troops proceeded in warlike array to the town of Concord,
where they set upon another party of the inhabitants of the same province,
killing several and wounding more, until compelled to retreat by the country
people suddenly assembled to repel this cruel aggression. Hostilities, thus
commenced by the British troops, have been since prosecuted by them without
regard to faith or reputation. -- The inhabitants of Boston being confined
within that town by the general their governor, and having, in order to
procure their dismission, entered into a treaty with him, it was stipulated
that the said inhabitants having deposited their arms with their own magistrate,
should have liberty to depart, taking with them their other effects. They
accordingly delivered up their arms, but in open violation of honour, in
defiance of the obligation of treaties, which even savage nations esteemed
sacred, the governor ordered the arms deposited as aforesaid, that they
might be preserved for their owners, to be seized by a body of soldiers;
detained the greatest part of the inhabitants in the town, and compelled
the few who were permitted to retire, to leave their most valuable effects
behind.
By this perfidy wives are separated from their husbands, children from their
parents, the aged and the sick from their relations and friends, who wish
to attend and comfort them; and those who have been used to live in plenty
and even elegance, are reduced to deplorable distress.
The general, further emulating his ministerial masters, by a proclamation
bearing date on the 12th day of June, after venting the grossest falsehoods
and calumnies against the good people of these colonies, proceeds to "declare
them all, either by name or description, to be rebels and traitors, to supercede
the course of the common law, and instead thereof to publish and order the
use and exercise of the law martial." -- His troops have butchered our countrymen,
have wantonly burnt Charlestown, besides a considerable number of houses
in other places; our ships and vessels are seized; the necessary supplies
of provisions are intercepted, and he is exerting his utmost power to spread
destruction and devastation around him.
We have rceived certain intelligence, that general Carelton[Carleton], the
governor of Canada, is instigating the people of that province and the Indians
to fall upon us; and we have but too much reason to apprehend, that schemes
have been formed to excite domestic enemies against us. In brief, a part
of these colonies now feel, and all of them are sure of feeling, as far
as the vengeance of administration can inflict them, the complicated calamities
of fire, sword and famine. We(2) are reduced to the alternative of chusing
an unconditional submission to the tyranny of irritated ministers, or resistance
by force. -- The latter is our choice. -- We have counted the cost of this
contest, and find nothing so dreadful as voluntary slavery. -- Honour, justice,
and humanity, forbid us tamely to surrender that freedom which we received
from our gallant ancestors, and which our innocent posterity have a right
to receive from us. We cannot endure the infamy and guilt of resigning succeeding
generations to that wretchedness which inevitably awaits them, if we basely
entail hereditary bondage upon them.
Our cause is just. Our union is perfect. Our internal resources are great,
and, if necessary, foreign assistance is undoubtedly attainable. -- We gratefully
acknowledge, as signal instances of the Divine favour towards us, that his
Providence would not permit us to be called into this severe controversy,
until we were grown up to our present strength, had been previously exercised
in warlike operation, and possessed of the means of defending ourselves.
With hearts fortified with these animating reflections, we most solemnly,
before God and the world, declare, that, exerting the utmost energy of those
powers, which our beneficent Creator hath graciously bestowed upon us, the
arms we have been compelled by our enemies to assume, we will, in defiance
of every hazard, with unabating firmness and perseverence, employ for the
preservation of our liberties; being with one mind resolved to die freemen
rather than to live slaves.
Lest this declaration should disquiet the minds of our friends and fellow-subjects
in any part of the empire, we assure them that we mean not to dissolve that
union which has so long and so happily subsisted between us, and which we
sincerely wish to see restored. -- Necessity has not yet driven us into
that desperate measure, or induced us to excite any other nation to war
against them. -- We have not raised armies with ambitious designs of separating
from Great-Britain, and establishing independent states. We fight not for
glory or for conquest. We exhibit to mankind the remarkable spectacle of
a people attacked by unprovoked enemies, without any imputation or even
suspicion of offence. They boast of their privileges and civilization, and
yet proffer no milder conditions than servitude or death.
In our own native land, in defence of the freedom that is our birthright,
and which we ever enjoyed till the late violation of it -- for the protection
of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our fore-fathers
and ourselves, against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms.
We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors,
and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before.
With an humble confidence in the mercies of the supreme and impartial Judge
and Ruler of the Universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness
to protect us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries
to reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire
from the calamities of civil war.
By order of Congress
John Hancock president |
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